foucault-a-gogo
all you ever wanted to know
about Foucault
Michel Foucault
Born: Paul-Michel Foucault,
Oct. 15 1926 in Poitiers, France
Died: June 2, 1984.
...
1.
Foucault's METHOD: he deconstructs, or takes apart, systems (e.g., psychology and sociology) and asks how
these disciplines have imposed their own needs on
how we look at the world; he says it's better to look at the little
pieces rather than the big picture (i.e., look at one prison instead of
society as a whole).
2.
His theory of discourse
holds that everything can be thought, said, and felt is regulated by the
world in which we live, and forms the rules by which our knowledge is
produced, organized and validated in any historical context.
3.
Foucault broadly follows an
Institutional approach to language and culture, placing language
in a framework of power, institutions, and systems of politics and
economics. This approach, which owes something to political
economy, nevertheless presents individuals "as simultaneous makers
and consumers of culture, participating in that culture according to
their place in economic and political structures. This area emphasizes
the role of institutions -- governments, churches, states -- in making
culture." (John Boylan, MA, University of Washington, 1992). Other
advocates include Raymond
Williams, Gaye Tuchman, and Stuart
Hall.
4.
Foucault and power
relations:
1) Foucault also looked at madness and power
relations as concepts, and he examined institutions such as hospitals,
asylums, prisons. The dominant metaphor of his work is incarceration. He
saw society as imprisoned, both physically and metaphorically.
2) Foucault's
first book -- Madness and Civilization
(1961):
a) Examines conceptions of madness in the 17th/18th
century and how madness was placed within overall human discourse i.e.
how people understand madness.
i) For example, leprosy
used to have unclean, negative connotations; in later days, madness
replaced leprosy as a social stigma.
ii) In the Middle Ages,
mad people were far more tolerated and this benign view of madness
remained until circa 1650s.
b) From late
17th century, increased state power meant that mad people were put into
institutions; the debate changed from whether mad people were "magical"
to whether they were criminal.
c) Mad people's behavior
started to be territorialized into a "discipline"; i.e., madness began
to be seen as a medical problem to be treated.
d) the term
discipline (as in academic discipline) is very important to
Foucault; he argued that people who subscribed to a discipline (eg.
Sociology, Psychology, Penology) are themselves imprisoned or
"disciplined" by that discipline, i.e., they conform strictly to the
tenets of that discipline.
Furthermore
...
Power, Foucault, And The Asylum.
a) What he
believes:
Foucault took the asylum as a metaphor for the way
the modern state incarcerates us and inflicts surveillance and control
over us. The mechanisms of power that exist in modern institutions
(asylums, barrcks, schools, prisons, hospitals, universities) could be
applied to society as a whole; they are all ways in which power can
replicate itself.
b) What he rejects:
i) Foucault denies Marxian
notion of power but does not deny that power exists.
ii) He is
interested in institutional power (schools, hospitals,
prisons).
iii) He rejects the idea that power is generated by the
state over lower classes or even by men over women or race over
race.
iv) He denies all these grand schemes and says power is
found only in discourse itself.
v) He also dispenses with
ideology; the language of ideology is deceptive to help fool you
(e.g., debate over crime is a battle of discourses: conservatives v.
liberals, etc.)
c) Foucault, the panopticon,
and power (from Discipline and Punish):
i) The Panopticon
was an influential 19th century prison design, by Jeremy Bentham in
England, where people feel they are being watched at all
times.
ii)
Foucault used the
panopticon as a metaphor to describe the way people police
themselves because they feel they are always being watched and therefore
have to act properly to prevent punishment -- but watched by whom? Not
the state, says Foucault - that's a Marxist
argument; Foucault is a poststructuralist thinker.
iii) So who's
opressing whom? Where's the power? Foucault argues that people exercise
power over other people; everyone has a little power; "power networks"
form which control everybody.
iv) This
unsatisfactory answer infuriated Marxists and most other thinkers.
5.
Foucault and poststructuralism:
Foucault
initially seemed to be looking for some sort of large structure although
he always claimed that he wasn't really looking for a large catagorizing
system (although there are elements of structuralism in his work in the
1960s). BUT By the 1970s, Foucault's work was more
poststructuralist. Why?
a) He doesn't believe in "truth".
b) He's a
relativist (doesn't believe in absolutes).
c) He's a
textualist, i.e., (i) he studied history as a text because history is,
in a sense, a series of "fictions" not real accounts of what happened
(similar to Baudrillard);
(ii) since there is no absolute truth in history, Foucault preferred
to examine how people how to came think about things the way they do.
d) He dismisses the Enlightenment idea of progress
towards a definable goal.
Because he believed the above four things, Foucault saw a
society which is defined by themes of incarceration, imprisonment,
control, punishment, surveillance. He thinks that we've started to
control ourselves, because we're so used to having others control us
(see also the Panopticon).
NB: Foucault has also
had a strong influence on American cultural criticism and the "new
historicism," an interdisciplinary form of historical criticism whose
evolution has often paralleled that of cultural criticism.
6.
Problems with Foucault?
Well, of
course there are a few. Here are some:
1) Maybe Foucault's
(and Derrida's) philosophy is outmoded -- it simply belongs to the
1960s. (Or maybe not -- Sherry
Turkle might disagree.)
2) Maybe some of the theories are
just crap; although he does say some useful things.
3) Again,
who's opressing whom?
4) Why does he argue that the state
doesn't oppress people when it seems obvious that is does.